Third Section: The State

257. The state is the realized ethical idea or ethical spirit. It is the will which manifests itself, makes itself clear and visible, substantiates itself. It is the will which thinks and knows itself, and carries out what it knows, and in so far as it knows. The state finds in ethical custom its direct and unreflected existence, and its indirect and reflected existence in the self-consciousness of the individual and in his knowledge and activity. Self-consciousness in the form of social disposition has its substantive freedom in the state, as the essence, purpose, and product of its activity.

Note.— The Penates are the inner and lower order of gods; the spirit of a nation, Athene, is the divinity which knows and wills itself. Piety is feeling, or ethical behaviour in the form of feeling; political virtue is the willing of the thought-out end, which exists absolutely.

258.—The state, which is the realized substantive will, having its reality in the particular selfconsciousness raised to the plane of the universal, is absolutely rational. This substantive unity is its own motive and absolute end. In this end freedom attains its highest right. This en4 has the highest right over the individual, whose highest duty in turn is to be a member of the state.

Note.— Were the state to be considered as exchangeable with the civic society, and were its decisive features to be regarded as the security and protection of property and personal freedom, the interest of the individual as such would be the ultimate purpose of the social union. It would then be at one’s option to be a member of the state.—But the state has a totally different relation to the individual. It is the objective spirit, and he has his truth, real existence, and ethical status only in being a member of it. Union, as such, is itself the true content and end, since the individual is intended to pass a universal life. His particular satisfactions, activities, and way of life have in this authenticated substantive principle their origin and result.

Rationality, viewed abstractly, consists in the thorough unity of universality and individuality. Taken concretely, and from the standpoint of the content, it is the unity of objective freedom with subjective freedom, of the general substantive will with the individual consciousness and the individual will seeking particular ends. From the standpoint of the form it consists in action determined by thought-out or universal laws and principles;—This idea is the absolutely eternal and necessary being of spirit.— The idea of the state is not concerned with the historical origin of either the state in general or of any particular state with its special rights and characters. Hence, it is indifferent whether the state arose out of the patriarchal condition, out of fear or confidence, or out of the corporation. It does not care whether the basis of state rights is declared to be in the divine, or in positive right, or contract, or custom. When we are dealing simply with the science of the state, these things are mere appearances, and belong to history. The causes or grounds of the authority of an actual state, in so far as they are required at all, must be derived from the forms of right, which have validity in the state.

Philosophic investigation deals with only the inner side of all this, the thought conception. To Rousseau is to be ascribed the merit of discovering and presenting a principle, which comes up to the standard of the thought, and is indeed thinking itself, not only in its form, such as would be a social impulse or divine authority, but in its very essence. This principle of Rousseau is will. But he conceives of the will only in the limited form of the individual will, as did also Fichte afterwards, and regards the universal will not as the absolutely reasonable will, but only as the common will, proceeding out of the individual will as conscious. Thus the union of individuals in a state becomes a contract, which is based upon caprice, opinion, and optional, explicit consent. Out of this view the understanding deduces consequences, which destroy the absolutely divine, and its absolute authority and majesty. Hence, when these abstractions attained to power, there was enacted the most tremendous spectacle which the human race has ever witnessed. All the usages and institutions of a great state were swept away. It was then proposed to begin over again, starting from the thought, and as the basis of the state to will only what was judged to be rational. But as the undertaking was begun with abstractions void of all ideas, it ended in scenes of tragic cruelty and horror.

As against the principle of the individual will we must bear in mind the fundamental conception that the objective will is in itself rational in its very conception, whether or not it be known by the individual or willed as an object of his good pleasure. We must also keep in mind that the opposite principle, the subjectivity of freedom, i.e., such knowing and willing as are retained in that principle, contains only one, and that a one-sided factor of the idea of the reasonable will. The will is reasonable only if it is so both in itself and when it is actualized.

The other contrary of the thought, which apprehends the state as an embodiment of reason, is the theory which takes such external appearances as the accidents of distress, need, protection, strength, and wealth, for the substance of the state, when they are mere elements of its historical development. Moreover, it is in unique and isolated individuals that the principle of knowledge is here said to be found, not however in their thought, but in the attributes of their merely empirical personalities, such as strength or weakness, wealth or poverty. The freak of disregarding is absolutely infinite and reasonable in the state and of banishing thought from the constitution of the state’s inner nature has never appeared so undisguisedly as in Mr. v. Haller ’s “Restauration der Staatswissenschaft.” In all genuine attempts to reach the real nature of the state, though the principles adduced be ever so one-sided and superficial, there is yet implied that rightly to conceive of the state is to attain to thoughts and universal characters. But in the book alluded to, the author not only consciously renounces both the rational content, which is the state, and the form of thought, but passionately inveighs against them. One of what he himself calls the far-reaching effects of his work is due to the circumstance that in his inquiry he knew how to fasten the whole into one piece without the help of thought. Hence, he says, are absent the confusion and disturbance, which arise when into a discussion of the contingent is foisted a suggestion about the substantive, and into a discussion of the empirical and external is injected a reminder of the universal and rational. Hence, when engaged with the inadequate and imperfect he is not continually reminding his readers of what is higher and infinite.—Yet even this method of inquiry has consequences. Since the fortuitous is taken as the essence of the state, and not the substantive, there results from the absence of thought an incoherence, which jogs on without looking back, and finds itself quite at home in the very opposite of what it had commended a moment before.[11]

Addition.— The state as a completed reality is the ethical whole and the actualization of freedom. It is the absolute purpose of reason that freedom should be actualized. The state is the spirit, which abides in the and there realizes itself consciously; while in nature it is realized only as the other of itself or the sleeping spirit. Only when it is present in consciousness, knowing itself as an existing object, is it the state. In thinking of freedom we must not take our departure from individuality or the individual’s self-consciousness, but from the essence of selfconsciousness. Let man be aware of it or not, this essence realizes itself as an independent power, in which particular persons are only phases. The state is the march of God in the world; its ground or cause is the power of reason realizing itself as will. When thinking of the idea of the state, we must not have in our mind any particular state, or particular institution, but must rather contemplate the idea, this actual God, by itself. Although a state may be declared to violate right principles and to be defective in various ways, it always contains the essential moments of its existence, if, that is to say, it belongs to the full formed states of our own time. But as it is more easy to detect short-comings than to grasp the positive meaning, one easily falls into the mistake of dwelling so much upon special aspects of the state as to overlook its inner organic being. The state is not a work of art. It is in the world, in the sphere of caprice, accident, and error. Evil behaviour can doubtless disfigure it in many ways, but the ugliest man, the criminal, the invalid, the cripple, are living men. The positive thing, the life, is present in spite of defects, and it is with this affirmative that we have here to deal.

259. (a) The idea of the state has direct actuality in the individual state. It, as a self-referring organism, is the constitution or internal stateorganization or polity.

(b) It passes over into a relation of the individual state to other states. This is its external organization or polity.

(c) As universal idea, or kind, or species, it has absolute authority over individual states. This is the spirit which gives itself reality in the process of world-history.

Addition.— The state as an actual thing is pre-eminently individual, and, what is more, particular. Individuality as distinguished from particularity is an element of the idea of the state itself, while particularity belongs to history. Any two states, as such, are independent of each other. Any relation between the two must be external. A third must therefore stand above and unite them. Now this third is the spirit, which gives itself reality in world-history, and constitutes itself absolute judge over states. Several states indeed might form an alliance and pass judgment upon others, or interstate relations may arise of the nature of the Holy Alliance. But these things are always relative and limited, as was the everlasting peace. The sole, absolute judge, which always avails against the particular, is the self-caused self-existing spirit, which presents itself as the universal and efficient leaven of world-history.

Notes

  1. This book is of an original kind. The ill-humour of the author might in itself be not ignoble, since he was stirred to indignation by the false theories, to which is attached especially the name of Rousseau, and by the attempt to put them in operation. But Mr. v. Haller, in order to save himself, has thrown himself into a counter-position, which is wholly void of thought, and cannot, therefore, be said to have any standing-ground. He expresses the bitterest hatred of all law, legisla- tion, and all formally and legally constituted right. Hatred of the law, and of legally constituted right is the shibboleth, by means of which are revealed and may be infallibly recognized fanaticism, mental im- PAGE becility, and the hypocrisy of good intentions, let them disguise them- selves as they will. Such an originality as that of Mr. v. Haller ’s is always a noteworthy phenomenon, and for those of my readers who do not yet know the work, I shall quote a few passages in proof of my contention. Mr. v. H. (p. 342 ff., vol. i.) thus exhibits his fundamental proposition: “In the inorganic realm the greater oppresses the smaller, and the mighty the feeble; so is it also with animals, and the same law in more honourable forms, and often indeed in dishonourable forms, appears again in man.” “It is the eternal, unchangeable decree of God that the more powerful rules, must rule, and will ever rule.” From these sentences, and from those given further on, it may be seen in what sense the word “power” is here used. It not the power of right and the ethical, but the contingent force of nature. This he proceeds to make good upon this amongst other grounds (p. 365 and fol.), that by an admirable and wise provision of nature the feeling of one’s own superiority irresistibly enriches the character, and favours the devel- opment of the very virtues which are most necessary in dealing with subordinates. He asks, with much rhetoric, “whether in the kingdom of science it is the strong or the weak, who are the more inclined to use authority and trust, in order to aid their low selfish purposes, and for the ruin of confiding men, whether the majority of the lawyers are not pettifoggers and pedants, who betray the hopes of confiding cli- ents, make white black and black white, use the law as a vehicle of wrong, bring those who seek their protection to beggary, and, like the hungry vulture, tear in pieces the innocent lamb, etc.” Mr. v. H. has here forgotten that he is employing this rhetoric in support of his sentence that the rule of the stronger is the eternal ordinance of God, the very same ordinance by virtue of which the vulture tears to pieces the innocent lamb. He seems to say that the stronger are quite right in using their knowledge of the law to plunder the feeble trusting cli- ents. But it would be asking too much of him to bring two thoughts into relation when he has not one. It is self-evident that Mr. v. H. is an enemy of statute-books. Civil laws in general are in his view “unnecessary, since they issue as self-evident from natural law.” States, since states there are, would be saved the trouble devoted to laws, law-hooks, and the study of legal right, if they would simply repose on the principle that every- thing is self-evident. “But on the other side the laws are not properly speaking given to private persons. They are instructions for the judges, PAGE who are by them made acquainted with the will of the rulers. The administration of the law (vol. i. p. 297; pt. i. p. 254, and elsewhere) is not a duty of the state, but a donation or assistance by the strong, and is merely supplementary. Of the means for the protection of rights the employment of law is not the most complete, but is rather uncer- tain and insecure. It leaves us with only our modern law-scholars, and robs us of the three other means, which lead most quickly and certainly to the end, the means which friendly nature has given man for the security of his rightful freedom.” These three are (what do you think?) “(1) Private obedience and enforcement of the natural law, (2) Resistance to wrong, and (3) Flight, when there is no other remedy.” How unfriendly are the jurists in comparison with friendly nature! “But the natural divine law (vol. i. p. 292), which all-bounti- ful nature has given to every one, is: Honour every one as thy equal.” (According to the author ’s principle this should read: Honour him who is not thy equal, but the stronger.) “Wrong no man who does not wrong thee. Demand nothing but what he owes thee.” (But what does he owe?) “Yes, and more, love thy neighbour and use him when thou canst.” It is to be the planting of this law which is to make legislation and constitutions useless. It would be worth seeing how Mr. v. H. makes it intelligible that, irrespective of this planting, legislation and constitutions have come into the world. In vol. iii. p. 362 fol., the author reaches the “so-called national liberties,” that is, the laws and constitutions of nations. Every legally constituted right is in this larger use of the word a liberty. Of these laws he says this, amongst other things, “that their content is usually very insignificant, although in books great stress is laid upon these documentary liberties.” When we realize that the author means the national liberties of the German Empire and of the English nation (the Charta Magna, “which, however, is little read, and, because of its antiquated expressions, less understood,” and the Bill of Rights), and the national liberties of the people of Hungary and other lands, we are surprised to learn that he regards these so highly-valued pos- sessions as insignificant. As great a surprise is it to hear that the laws, which are of daily and hourly concern, dealing with every piece of cloth that is worn and every piece of bread that is eaten, should have a value merely in books. As for the general statute-book of Prussia, to quote only one thing more, Mr. v. H. has not one good word to say for it (vol. i. p. PAGE 185 fol.), because upon it the unphilosophical errors (not as yet the Kantian philosophy, at any rate, I must add, against which Mr. v. H. inveighs most bitterly of all) have had a bad effect, especially in the matters of the state, national wealth, the end of the state, the head of the state, his duties, the servants of the state, and such things. What most annoys Mr. v. H. is “the right to levy contributions upon private possessions, occupations, productions, and consumptions, in order to defray the expenses of the state. As state-wealth is not the private possession of the prince, but is qualified as the wealth of the state, neither the king himself nor any Prussian citizen has anything his own, neither body nor goods, and all the subjects become legal bond- men. They dare not with draw themselves from the service of the state.” In all this incredible crudity there is a touch of the ludicrous in the unspeakable pleasure which Mr. v. H. feels in his own revelations (vol. i., preface). It was “a joy, such as only a friend of truth can feel, when he after an honest investigation is assured that he has hit upon as it were” (yes, indeed, As it were!) “the voice of nature or the word of God.” (The word of God is in its revelation quite distinct from the voice of nature and of the natural man.) “And when he might have sunk down in sheer amazement, a stream of joyous tears sprang from his eyes, and from that moment living religiosity arose within him.” Mr. v. H. ought rather, in his religiosity, to have wept over his fate as the hardest chastisement of God. It is the most severe punishment which can be experienced to wander so far from thought and reason, from reverence for the law and from the knowledge of how infinitely important and divine it is that the duties of the state and the rights of the citizens, as also the rights of the state and the duties of the citi- zens, should be legally determined, to wander so far from this as to substitute an absurdity for the word of God.